Remarks at the Annual Convention of the the National Association of Evangelicals, delivered 8 March1983, Orlando FL
Moderator: Ladies and Gentlemen: The President of the United States, Ronald Reagan.
President Reagan: Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Thank you very much.
And, Reverend Clergy all, Senator Hawkins, distinguished members of the
Florida congressional delegation, and all of you: I can't tell you how
you have warmed my heart with your welcome. I'm delighted to be here
today.
Those of you in the National Association of Evangelicals are known for
your spiritual and humanitarian work. And I would be especially remiss
if I didn't discharge right now one personal debt of gratitude. Thank
you for your prayers. Nancy and I have felt their presence many times
in many ways. And believe me, for us they've made all the difference.
The other day in the East Room of the White House at a meeting there,
someone asked me whether I was aware of all the people out there who
were praying for the President. And I had to say, "Yes, I am. I've felt
it. I believe in intercessionary prayer." But I couldn't help but say
to that questioner after he'd asked the question that -- or at least
say to them that if sometimes when he was praying he got a busy signal,
it was just me in there ahead of him. I think I understand how Abraham
Lincoln felt when he said, "I have been driven many times to my knees
by the overwhelming conviction that I had nowhere else to go." From the
joy and the good feeling of this conference, I go to a political
reception. Now, I don't know why, but that bit of scheduling reminds me
of a story which I'll share with you.
An evangelical minister and a politician arrived at Heaven's gate one
day together. And St. Peter, after doing all the necessary formalities,
took them in hand to show them where their quarters would be. And he
took them to a small, single room with a bed, a chair, and a table and
said this was for the clergyman. And the politician was a little
worried about what might be in store for him. And he couldn't believe
it then when St. Peter stopped in front of a beautiful mansion with
lovely grounds, many servants, and told him that these would be his
quarters.
And he couldn't help but ask, he said, "But wait, how -- there's
something wrong -- how do I get this mansion while that good and holy
man only gets a single room?" And St. Peter said, "You have to
understand how things are up here. We've got thousands and thousands of
clergy. You're the first politician who ever made it."
But I don't want to contribute to a stereotype. So I tell you there are
a great many God-fearing, dedicated, noble men and women in public
life, present company included. And yes, we need your help to keep us
ever-mindful of the ideas and the principles that brought us into the
public arena in the first place. The basis of those ideals and
principles is a commitment to freedom and personal liberty that, itself
is grounded in the much deeper realization that freedom prospers only
where the blessings of God are avidly sought and humbly accepted.
The American experiment in democracy rests on this insight. Its
discovery was the great triumph of our Founding Fathers, voiced by
William Penn when he said: "If we will not be governed by God, we must
be governed by tyrants." Explaining the inalienable rights of men,
Jefferson said, "The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same
time." And it was George Washington who said that "of all the
dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion
and morality are indispensable supports."
And finally, that shrewdest of all observers of American democracy,
Alexis de Tocqueville, put it eloquently after he had gone on a search
for the secret of America's greatness and genius -- and he said: "Not
until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits aflame
with righteousness did I understand the greatness and the genius of
America. America is good. And if America ever ceases to be good,
America will cease to be great."
Well, I'm pleased to be here today with you who are keeping America
great by keeping her good. Only through your work and prayers and those
of millions of others can we hope to survive this perilous century and
keep alive this experiment in liberty, this last, best hope of man.
I want you to know that this administration is motivated by a political
philosophy that sees the greatness of America in you, her people, and
in your families, churches, neighborhoods, communities: the
institutions that foster and nourish values like concern for others and
respect for the rule of law under God.
Now, I don't have to tell you that this puts us in opposition to, or at
least out of step with, a -- a prevailing attitude of many who have
turned to a modern-day secularism, discarding the tried and time-tested
values upon which our very civilization is based. No matter how well
intentioned, their value system is radically different from that of
most Americans. And while they proclaim that they're freeing us from
superstitions of the past, they've taken upon themselves the job of
superintending us by government rule and regulation. Sometimes their
voices are louder than ours, but they are not yet a majority.
An example of that vocal superiority is evident in a controversy now
going on in Washington. And since I'm involved I've been waiting to
hear from the parents of young America. How far are they willing to go
in giving to government their prerogatives as parents?
Let me state the case as briefly and simply as I can. An organization
of citizens, sincerely motivated, deeply concerned about the increase
in illegitimate births and abortions involving girls well below the age
of consent, some time ago established a nationwide network of clinics
to offer help to these girls and, hopefully, alleviate this situation.
Now, again, let me say, I do not fault their intent. However, in their
well-intentioned effort, these clinics decided to provide advice and
birth control drugs and devices to underage girls without the knowledge
of their parents.
For some years now, the federal government has helped with funds to
subsidize these clinics. In providing for this, the Congress decreed
that every effort would be made to maximize parental participation.
Nevertheless, the drugs and devices are prescribed without getting
parental consent or giving notification after they've done so. Girls
termed "sexually active" -- and that has replaced the word
"promiscuous" -- are given this help in order to prevent illegitimate
birth or abortion.
Well, we have ordered clinics receiving federal funds to notify the
parents such help has been given. One of the nation's leading
newspapers has created the term "squeal rule" in editorializing against
us for doing this, and we're being criticized for violating the privacy
of young people. A judge has recently granted an injunction against an
enforcement of our rule. I've watched TV panel shows discuss this
issue, seen columnists pontificating on our error, but no one seems to
mention morality as playing a part in the subject of sex.
Is all of Judeo-Christian tradition wrong? Are we to believe that
something so sacred can be looked upon as a purely physical thing with
no potential for emotional and psychological harm? And isn't it the
parents' right to give counsel and advice to keep their children from
making mistakes that may affect their entire lives?
Many of us in government would like to know what parents think about
this intrusion in their family by government. We're going to fight in
the courts. The right of parents and the rights of family take
precedence over those of Washington-based bureaucrats and social
engineers.
But the fight against parental notification is really only one example
of many attempts to water down traditional values and even abrogate the
original terms of American democracy. Freedom prospers when religion is
vibrant and the rule of law under God is acknowledged. When our
Founding Fathers passed the First Amendment, they sought to protect
churches from government interference. They never intended to construct
a wall of hostility between government and the concept of religious
belief itself.
The evidence of this permeates our history and our government. The
Declaration of Independence mentions the Supreme Being no less than
four times. "In God We Trust" is engraved on our coinage. The Supreme
Court opens its proceedings with a religious invocation. And the
members of Congress open their sessions with a prayer. I just happen to
believe the schoolchildren of the United States are entitled to the
same privileges as Supreme Court justices and congressmen.
Last year, I sent the Congress a constitutional amendment to restore
prayer to public schools. Already this session, there's growing
bipartisan support for the amendment, and I am calling on the Congress
to act speedily to pass it and to let our children pray.
Perhaps some of you read recently about the Lubbock school case, where
a judge actually ruled that it was unconstitutional for a school
district to give equal treatment to religious and nonreligious student
groups, even when the group meetings were being held during the
students' own time. The First Amendment never intended to require
government to discriminate against religious speech.
Senators Denton and Hatfield have proposed legislation in the Congress
on the whole question of prohibiting discrimination against religious
forms of student speech. Such legislation could go far to restore
freedom of religious speech for public school students. And I hope the
Congress considers these bills quickly. And with your help, I think
it's possible we could also get the constitutional amendment through
the Congress this year.
More than a decade ago, a Supreme Court decision literally wiped off
the books of fifty states statutes protecting the rights of unborn
children. Abortion on demand now takes the lives of up to one and a
half million unborn children a year. Human life legislation ending this
tragedy will someday pass the Congress, and you and I must never rest
until it does. Unless and until it can be proven that the unborn child
is not a living entity, then its right to life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness must be protected.
You may remember that when abortion on demand began, many, and indeed,
I'm sure many of you, warned that the practice would lead to a decline
in respect for human life, that the philosophical premises used to
justify abortion on demand would ultimately be used to justify other
attacks on the sacredness of human life -- infanticide or mercy
killing. Tragically enough, those warnings proved all too true. Only
last year a court permitted the death by starvation of a handicapped
infant.
I have directed the Health and Human Services Department to make clear
to every health care facility in the United States that the
Rehabilitation Act of 1973 protects all handicapped persons against
discrimination based on handicaps, including infants. And we have taken
the further step of requiring that each and every recipient of federal
funds who provides health care services to infants must post and keep
posted in a conspicuous place a notice stating that "discriminatory
failure to feed and care for handicapped infants in this facility is
prohibited by federal law." It also lists a twenty-four-hour; toll-free
number so that nurses and others may report violations in time to save
the infant's life.
In addition, recent legislation introduced by -- in the Congress by
Representative Henry Hyde of Illinois not only increases restrictions
on publicly financed abortions, it also addresses this whole problem of
infanticide. I urge the Congress to begin hearings and to adopt
legislation that will protect the right of life to all children,
including the disabled or handicapped.
Now, I'm sure that you must get discouraged at times, but there you've
done better than you know, perhaps. There's a great spiritual awakening
in America, a renewal of the traditional values that have been the
bedrock of America's goodness and greatness.
One recent survey by a Washington-based research council concluded that
Americans were far more religious than the people of other nations; 95
percent of those surveyed expressed a belief in God and a huge majority
believed the Ten Commandments had real meaning in their lives. And
another study has found that an overwhelming majority of Americans
disapprove of adultery, teenage sex, pornography, abortion, and hard
drugs. And this same study showed a deep reverence for the importance
of family ties and religious belief.
I think the items that we've discussed here today must be a key part of
the nation's political agenda. For the first time the Congress is
openly and seriously debating and dealing with the prayer and abortion
issues and that's enormous progress right there. I repeat: America is
in the midst of a spiritual awakening and a moral renewal. And with
your biblical keynote, I say today, "Yes, let justice roll on like a
river, righteousness like a never-failing stream."
Now, obviously, much of this new political and social consensus I've
talked about is based on a positive view of American history, one that
takes pride in our country's accomplishments and record. But we must
never forget that no government schemes are going to perfect man. We
know that living in this world means dealing with what philosophers
would call the phenomenology of evil or, as theologians would put it,
the doctrine of sin.
There is sin and evil in the world, and we're enjoined by Scripture and
the Lord Jesus to oppose it with all our might. Our nation, too, has a
legacy of evil with which it must deal. The glory of this land has been
its capacity for transcending the moral evils of our past. For example,
the long struggle of minority citizens for equal rights, once a source
of disunity and civil war is now a point of pride for all Americans. We
must never go back. There is no room for racism, anti-Semitism, or
other forms of ethnic and racial hatred in this country.
I know that you've been horrified, as have I, by the resurgence of some
hate groups preaching bigotry and prejudice. Use the mighty voice of
your pulpits and the powerful standing of your churches to denounce and
isolate these hate groups in our midst. The commandment given us is
clear and simple: "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself."
But whatever sad episodes exist in our past, any objective observer
must hold a positive view of American history, a history that has been
the story of hopes fulfilled and dreams made into reality. Especially
in this century, America has kept alight the torch of freedom, but not
just for ourselves but for millions of others around the world.
And this brings me to my final point today. During my first press
conference as president, in answer to a direct question, I pointed out
that, as good Marxist-Leninists, the Soviet leaders have openly and
publicly declared that the only morality they recognize is that which
will further their cause, which is world revolution. I think I should
point out I was only quoting Lenin, their guiding spirit, who said in
1920 that they repudiate all morality that proceeds from supernatural
ideas -- that's their name for religion -- or ideas that are outside
class conceptions. Morality is entirely subordinate to the interests of
class war. And everything is moral that is necessary for the
annihilation of the old, exploiting social order and for uniting the
proletariat.
Well, I think the refusal of many influential people to accept this
elementary fact of Soviet doctrine illustrates a historical reluctance
to see totalitarian powers for what they are. We saw this phenomenon in
the 1930s. We see it too often today.
This doesn't mean we should isolate ourselves and refuse to seek an
understanding with them. I intend to do everything I can to persuade
them of our peaceful intent, to remind them that it was the West that
refused to use its nuclear monopoly in the forties and fifties for
territorial gain and which now proposes 50 percent cut in strategic
ballistic missiles and the elimination of an entire class of
land-based, intermediate-range nuclear missiles.
At the same time, however, they must be made to understand we will
never compromise our principles and standards. We will never give away
our freedom. We will never abandon our belief in God. And we will never
stop searching for a genuine peace. But we can assure none of these
things America stands for through the so-called nuclear freeze
solutions proposed by some.
The truth is that a freeze now would be a very dangerous fraud, for
that is merely the illusion of peace. The reality is that we must find
peace through strength.
I would agree to a freeze if only we could freeze the Soviets' global
desires. A freeze at current levels of weapons would remove any
incentive for the Soviets to negotiate seriously in Geneva and
virtually end our chances to achieve the major arms reductions which we
have proposed. Instead, they would achieve their objectives through the
freeze.
A freeze would reward the Soviet Union for its enormous and
unparalleled military buildup. It would prevent the essential and long
overdue modernization of United States and allied defenses and would
leave our aging forces increasingly vulnerable. And an honest freeze
would require extensive prior negotiations on the systems and numbers
to be limited and on the measures to ensure effective verification and
compliance. And the kind of a freeze that has been suggested would be
virtually impossible to verify. Such a major effort would divert us
completely from our current negotiations on achieving substantial
reductions.
A number of years ago, I heard a young father, a very prominent young
man in the entertainment world, addressing a tremendous gathering in
California. It was during the time of the cold war, and communism and
our own way of life were very much on people's minds. And he was
speaking to that subject. And suddenly, though, I heard him saying, "I
love my little girls more than anything." And I said to myself, "Oh,
no, don't. You can't -- don't say that." But I had underestimated him.
He went on: "I would rather see my little girls die now; still
believing in God, than have them grow up under communism and one day
die no longer believing in God."
There were thousands of young people in that audience. They came to
their feet with shouts of joy. They had instantly recognized the
profound truth in what he had said, with regard to the physical and the
soul and what was truly important.
Yes, let us pray for the salvation of all of those who live in that
totalitarian darkness. Pray they will discover the joy of knowing God.
But until they do, let us be aware that while they preach the supremacy
of the State, declare its omnipotence over individual man, and predict
its eventual domination of all peoples on the earth, they are the focus
of evil in the modern world.
It was C.S. Lewis who, in his unforgettable Screw Tape Letters, wrote:
"The greatest evil is not done now in those sordid 'dens of crime' that
Dickens loved to paint. It is not even done in concentration camps and
labor camps. In those we see its final result. But it is conceived and
ordered; moved, seconded, carried and minuted in clear, carpeted,
warmed, and well-lighted offices, by quiet men with white collars and
cut fingernails and smooth-shaven cheeks who do not need to raise their
voice."
Well, because these quiet men do not raise their voices, because they
sometimes speak in soothing tones of brotherhood and peace, because,
like other dictators before them, they're always making "their final
territorial demand," some would have us accept them at their word and
accommodate ourselves to their aggressive impulses. But if history
teaches anything, it teaches that simpleminded appeasement or wishful
thinking about our adversaries is folly. It means the betrayal of our
past, the squandering of our freedom.
So, I urge you to speak out against those who would place the United
States in a position of military and moral inferiority. You know, I've
always believed that old Screw Tape reserved his best efforts for those
of you in the Church. So, in your discussions of the nuclear freeze
proposals, I urge you to beware the temptation of pride --the
temptation of blithely declaring yourselves above it all and label both
sides equally at fault, to ignore the facts of history and the
aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to simply call the arms race a
giant misunderstanding and thereby remove yourself from the struggle
between right and wrong and good and evil.
I ask you to resist the attempts of those who would have you withhold
your support for our efforts, this administration's efforts, to keep
America strong and free, while we negotiate real and verifiable
reductions in the world's nuclear arsenals and one day, with God's
help, their total elimination.
While America's military strength is important, let me add here that
I've always maintained that the struggle now going on for the world
will never be decided by bombs or rockets, by armies or military might.
The real crisis we face today is a spiritual one; at root, it is a test
of moral will and faith.
Whittaker Chambers, the man whose own religious conversion made him a
witness to one of the terrible traumas of our time, the Hiss-Chambers
case, wrote that the crisis of the Western world exists to the degree
in which the West is indifferent to God, the degree to which it
collaborates in communism's attempt to make man stand alone without
God. And then he said, for Marxism-Leninism is actually the
second-oldest faith, first proclaimed in the Garden of Eden with the
words of temptation, "Ye shall be as gods."
The Western world can answer this challenge, he wrote, "but only
provided that its faith in God and the freedom He enjoins is as great
as communism's faith in Man."
I believe we shall rise to the challenge. I believe that communism is
another sad, bizarre chapter in human history whose last -- last pages
even now are being written. I believe this because the source of our
strength in the quest for human freedom is not material, but spiritual.
And because it knows no limitation, it must terrify and ultimately
triumph over those who would enslave their fellow man. For in the words
of Isaiah: "He giveth power to the faint; and to them that have no
might He increased strength. But they that wait upon the Lord shall
renew their strength; they shall mount up with wings as eagles; they
shall run, and not be weary. "
Yes, change your world. One of our Founding Fathers, Thomas Paine,
said, "We have it within our power to begin the world over again." We
can do it, doing together what no one church could do by itself.
God bless you and thank you very much.
08/01/2013
Lên trường để tham dự buổi tư vấn chọn chuyên ngành của khoa...
Sau khi nghe xong... lại càng cảm thấy mơ hồ...
Bắt đầu tự hỏi...
Lẽ nào... tôi đã chọn lầm ngành?
Trở về nhà trên chuyến xe buýt quen thuộc...
... Chiế... (xem đầy đủ)
Vậy là tròn 1 tháng từ ngày anh về. anh có thấy thời gian trôi qua nhanh ko?hình như em và anh có duyên từ trước. không 1 chút xa lạ, khi ở bên anh, em được là em. Em có thể mặc đồ ngủ (no chip), ^^ có thể không trang điểm, không trải tóc m�... (xem đầy đủ)
Mình ... có phải là ... đang trải qua những cảm xúc mà mình đã từng gây ra cho người khác không nhỉ ?
Gieo rắc hy vọng cho người ta, rồi cuối cùng lại dập tắt nó ?
Không
Mình không thể làm được chuyện đó, chính xác là mình không có ... (xem đầy đủ)
Sau 24 năm ròng rã nuôi con ... mẹ đã nhận ra 1 sự thật ...
"Bây giờ mẹ mới biết trong chuyện tình cảm ... con ngu quá !"
Bị mẹ mắng mà 2 mẹ con cười lăn cười bò ^ ^ Dạ, tại con không hỏi, mẹ cũng không nói, nên mẹ tưởng con ... t�... (xem đầy đủ)
Có những cảm xúc bé bé xinh xinh trong ngày hôm nay
Tối qua ngồi ủi bộ đồ tây, chuẩn bị cho buổi thực tập và phỏng vấn ngày hôm nay mà cũng thấy chộn rộn theo, thấy có gì vui vui lạ lắm, cam giác háo hức vì những trải nghiệm mới m�... (xem đầy đủ)